New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. 1968. 291 p.
As the time drew near for President TourCs state visit to the United States, I
had to devote an everincreasing amount of time to the many details to be settled
before his arrival. The State Department readily assented to my suggestion that
I arrive in Washington a week before the Guinean delegation to assist in last-minute
preparations. I did not want anything to mar this visit, for I knew that all leaders
in Africa were watching to see how Touré was received. They hoped to detect
whether or not any changes in United States policies toward Africa were in the
making. There was no question in my mind that Negro as well as white Americans
were also going to be watching the drama inherent in the reception by one of the
world's most powerful nations of the young African who had persuaded his people
to say No to De Gaulle.
Before leaving for Washington I had tried without success to settle the question
of transportation for the delegation from Conakry to New York. I was informed that
President Touré wanted to be sure that the plane he boarded was not going
to stop in any territory still under French jurisdiction. This ruled out using
Air France. I could not get a satisfactory answer to the question about the regulations
governing the tise of Military Air Transport Service planes in the transportation
of foreign heads of state outside the borders of the United States. No commercial
airlines of Western powers, other than France, were interested at that time in
establishing passenger service in Guinea. When I left Conakry for the United States
on October 19, 1959, the only thing I knew for certain regarding the Touré visit
was that Touré was going to keep his word and begin his series of state
visits by coming first to the United States. He was not going to Russia first,
as reported in some quarters.
It was not until after I had departed that the transportation dilemma was solved
through the generosity of Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, who placed at
President Touré's disposal a Ghanaian Airlines plane to make connections
with the Pan American flight. Thanks to Nkrumah, the delegation was able to board
the plane that touched down late Sunday afternoon, October 25, at New York's International
Airport. I did not have to be on hand in New York since the official visit did
not start until the following day in Washington. President and Mrs. Touré and
a party of six were met by Guinean Ambassador and Mrs. Telli Diallo, U.S. Protocol
Chief Wiley T. Buchanan, Jr., and some New York officials.
The following day the Military Air Transport Service plane bearing the Guinean
delegation landed promptly at 12:00 noon E.S.T., at the terminal in Washington.
President Touré was the first to descend from the plane; he saw, among others
waiting below to greet him, Vice-President and Mrs. Nixon, Secretary of State and
Mrs. Christian Herter, Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army and Mrs. Lemnitzer, the
dean of the diplomatic corps and Mrs. Sevilla-Sacasa, numerous Washington officials,
and myself.
Ambassador Diallo, Vice-President Nixon, Protocol Chief Buchanan, and I accompanied
President Touré to the speaker's platform and stood with him during the
airport ceremonies. The twenty-one gun salute, the Guinean and American national
anthems, and the inspection of the honor guard by President Touré were followed
by brief speeches by the Vice-President and Touré. Nixon assured Touré America
would receive him warmly because of the personal interest Americans had in him
and the future of his country. Touré expressed the hope that his visit would
bring closer relations between the United States and Guinea as well as with other
emerging African nations. I was indeed moved by the occasion.
Our motorcade departure from the terminal en route to Blair House, the President's
guest house on Pennsylvania Avenue, by way of the traditional Washington parade
route, signaled the beginning of twelve of the fullest days I have ever spent.
It was exhilarating to see the more than 250,000 people standing along the route
to catch a glimpse of the man who had taken the dramatic and solitary stand against
Charles de Gaulle. The Washington onlookers, I felt, were very generous with their
applause, and the visitors were pleased with the warm reception on that chilly
October day. The same was to be true in New York some ten days later, when an even
larger crowd greeted the visitors during a ticker-tape parade from the Battery
to City Hall. By mistake New York had on display Ghanaian flags instead of Guinean—they
look quite similar.
The white-tie state dinner given that night by the President and Mrs. Eisenhower
in honor of President and Mrs. Touré marked my second visit to the White
House. As the car in which I was riding came to a stop under the portico, the real
significance of the situation suddenly struck me, and I thought that only in America
could something like this happen. I, a slave's grandson, was entering the official
residence of the President of the United States. I was to be escorted down the
long corridor to the East Room by an army officer in full-dress uniform. At the
door of the East Room my name and title would be announced. Between the moment
of leaving the car and mounting the White House steps, a feeling of deep regret
swept over me; regret that my wife, daughter, and son were far away in Guinea and
not on hand to share this historic evening with me; regret that my parents were
not living to see the fulfillment of their prophecy that equality of opportunity
would prevail one day in America.
When President and Mrs. Eisenhower and their guests had descended from the upstairs
living quarters, those of us assembled in the East Room walked slowly as couples
to the State Dining Room at the opposite end of the White House, where tables glistening
with silverware, glassware, and emblazoned dishes, and decorated with beautiful
flowers, awaited us.
I had the good fortune to be seated between the beautiful and charming Mrs. Gregor
Piatigorsky, wife of the famous cellist, and Ambassador George V. Allen, then Director
of USIA. The evening passed quickly and pleasantly. Polite speeches of welcome
and acknowledgment were made by Presidents Eisenhower and Tour& Gregor Piatigorsky
was in excellent form for the concert that concluded the evening. The real high
point of the dinner, however, was the incredible performance of Colonel Walters,
the interpreter, who presented us with the French version of Eisenhower's speech,
and the English version of TourCs reply. Without notes or props, Walters gave the
complete Eisenhower speech. He translated Touré's reply paragraph by paragraph,
and this was no small feat because Touré spoke in long sentences. Only a
skillful interpreter could have done justice to Touré's eloquent French.
If Colonel Walters' virtuosity had impressed me at the dinner, I was even more
impressed during the meeting that took place between Presidents Eisenhower and
Touré the next morning.
A private meeting had been arranged for the two Presidents, but President Touré made
it known that he wanted to be accompanied by:
This change in plan caused me to accompany Secretary of State Herter and Assistant
Secretary Satterthwaite to the Tuesday morning meeting at the White House. Guinean
Ambassador Telli Diallo was also present.
We heard a very stimulating and exceedingly frank exchange of views between the
two Presidents, with Colonel Walters again serving as interpreter. An hour later
we left the White House to attend a meeting at the State Department presided over
by Undersecretary of State Robert Murphy. A joint working party was set up after
this meeting to iron out the details of a cultural agreement, which was signed
on Wednesday morning by Secretary Herter and Minister B6avogui, who was appointed
Acting Foreign Minister on the spot by President Touré for the signing ceremony.
Ambassador Diallo and I were asked to sign as witnesses. (I later received an autographed
photograph of the signing ceremony from Secretary Herter.)
President Touré made a memorable,appearance before the National Press Club
at the luncheon which immediately followed the Tuesday meeting at the State Department.
He spoke and accepted questions from the floor which he parried with the skill
acquired in debates at Paris, Dakar, and Conakry, impressing veterans of the press
with his stage presence. That same night we attended a dinner at the Anderson House
given by Secretary and Mrs. Herter-a most gracious host and hostess.
The afternoon of our last day in Washington (Wednesday, October 28), President
and Mrs. Touré gave a luncheon in honor of President and Mrs. Eisenhower
in the State Room of the Mayflower Hotel.
Between the official obligations of the Washington visit, President Touré,
the Guinean delegation, and I journeyed by presidential helicopter to Mount Vernon;
participated in a wreath-laying ceremony at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at
the National Cemetery in Arlington; visited the AFL-CIO Headquarters for a talk
with President George Meany; attended a reception at the Africa House given by
the African Students Association; visited Howard University and met the president
and faculty; and visited the Mosque of the Washington Islamic Center. President
and Mrs. Touré attended a reception given in their honor by the Chiefs of
Mission of Guinea, Liberia, Sudan, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, Ethiopia, the United
Arab Republic, and Ghana.
Contrary to the predictions of those who had dubbed Touré a “hard-headed
Marxist theorist but not a Communist” and had insisted that he would straddle
the fence between the East and the West to obtain aid from both sides, Touré made
no requests for American aid during his visit. His failure to do so surprised even
some career diplomats. The African statesman did not request aid at any one of
the capitals visited during his forty-one day tour, and his return to Conakry in
December contrasted sharply with the August 1959 return of National Assembly President
Diallo and Minister of Public Works lsmael Touré from Russia, bringing back
the offer of a $35 million line of credit from the Soviet Union.
Touré later explained to his people why he had not requested any aid during
his visit to America:
We found in the United States a real desire to come to our assistance, but we refused to present demands of this nature. Everybody knows perfectly well the different needs of different people reported to be poor. It isn't radical nature which determines the quality of the needs, but the economic state. Consequently, nations that really wish to aid Guinea or any other developing people don't have to wait to be solicited. We are certainly not going to disguise ourselves as beggars to explain our indigence which everybody knows, which everybody canappreciate, and to which each one can, loyally and in strict respect of our sovereignty, bring remedy. If we have placed African dignity so high, it is not to bargain it tomorrow against a few subsidies which, in the final analysis, could not radically suppress the effects of spoliation, exploitation, oppression, and depersonalization to which colonialism caused us to submit. (Secretary General, PDG, Rapport d'Orientation, April, 1960, p. 29.)
On the surface, the Washington phase of the visit had gone off with clocklike
precision and had been eminently successful. Our guests, however, were quite disappointed
on two scores, and rather dissatisfied on a third. They knew that President Eisenhower
had come to the airport to welcome the President of Mexico and Premier Khrushchev
of Russia. They had expected him to come to meet President Touré also. They
were not impressed by the fact that Vice-President Nixon had cut short a Miami
vacation to greet Touré, nor did they wish to accept the explanation that
President Eisenhower's bronchitis kept him from attending the ceremony on that
chilly autumn day. The Guineans were further dismayed when they learned that Protocol
Chief Wiley Buchanan, who had accompanied Premier Khrushchev on his U.S. tour,
had assigned his deputy to accompany President Touré. They assumed that
their visit was being downgraded.
The third problem arose on the eve of Touré's departure from Washington
and concerned the State Department interpreter assigned for Touré's speeches.
The Guineans had been most happy with Colonel Walters. They were very unhappy when
they learned that the interpreter assigned to cover Touré's speech at the
Africa House would accompany the President throughout America. Their unhappiness
was registered with the Department and with me in no uncertain terms, but it was
not possible at that late date to supply a substitute. The situation became such
before the tour was over that the Department had to provide another interpreter
for the Touré speeches during the New York phase of the trip.
There had been so many invitations from groups and organizations wishing to entertain
the Guinean President that the protocol division had experienced some difficulty
in narrowing down the choices. There was also the question of the cities to be
visited. New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago were selected without difficulty. Omal,
Ohio, was added because Guinean bauxite was turned into aluminum at the huge Olin
Mathieson plant there. President Touré wanted to visit Atlanta, the “gateway
to the South,” because his friend President Tubman of Liberia had visited
this city during his 1954 visit to America. It was recalled that the Governor of
Georgia had not received Tubman, and there was no desire on the part of American
officials to risk a similar slight in the case of President Touré. The problem
of a visit to a city in the South was settled when Governor Luther H. Hodges of
North Carolina issued an invitation for President Touré and his party to
be the guests of his state. This was a most fortunate turn of events, for it meant
that the delegation went “down South” with the assurance that they
would be received with all the dignity and respect due foreign guests of the United
States Government.
The State Department did not follow the usual procedure of having the American
Ambassador participate only in the Washington and New York phases of a state visit,
and sent me on the entire trip with the Guineans. I was delighted at the prospect
of returning to North Carolina, where I had lived from 1956 to 1959. From the moment
our plane landed at Raleigh-Durham Airport (Wednesday, October 28, 4:15 P.M.),
where we were met by Governor and Mrs. Hodges and other officials, until we departed
the next day (3:40 P.M.), the visit was an outstanding success. A large contingent
of students and faculty members from North Carolina College and citizens from Durham
had been at the airport to greet us. We were carried swiftly by automobile from
the airport to the Carolina Inn in Chapel Hill. The Inn was operated by the University
of North Carolina, and the visit of the Touré delegation marked the first
time in its history that nonwhite guests remained overnight.
That night, on the campus of the University of North Carolina, a reception and
dinner were given by Governor and Mrs. Hodges in honor of President and Mrs. Touré Governor
Hodges and President Touré made brief after dinner speeches. The reception
had been somewhat delayed by a news conference held by Touré with the more
than thirty reporters covering the historic visit to Chapel Hill. The news conference
afforded me a glimpse of another side of the Touré personality. Touré was
repeatedly questioned about his opinions on the American race problem, discrimination,
and segregation. Instead of seizing upon these questions as an excuse for getting
off steam about America's Achilles' heel, the Guinean leader refused to be drawn
into a discussion. He said that he could not answer such questions because he did
not have the proper information.
Touré told the reporters that he was happy to visit the University of North
Carolina and admired greatly the culture which it represented. He said that he
had come to the United States with the hope of explaining and conveying a clearer
understanding of Guinea's problems. To a question on Guinea's policy of neutralism
in the cold war, Touré answered that he was concerned with the problems
of developed and developing nations rather than with a struggle between the West
and the East. He remarked that a poor man could not be asked to choose between
diamonds and gold from New York, Paris, or Moscow, for he would take these things
where he found them. Touré suggested that reporters should be more objective
in reporting events in Guinea. He was alluding, of course, to the many articles
by American journalists depicting his Government in a most unfavorable light. Touré concluded
the news conference with the assertion that Africans already had the framework
for a “United States of Africa,” and needed only to define the content.
The next morning President Touré received an honorary degree from North
Carolina College in Durham. He was luncheon guest of Dr. Hollis Eden, President
of Duke University, also in Durham.
The Durham Morning Herald (Thursday, October 29, 1959) observed in an editorial
entitled “Welcome Visit by New Nation's President”:
Durham gained an extra interest in United States relations with the new state of Guinea when Prof. John H. Morrow of North Carolina College became this country's first Ambassador to the former French colony.
That interest is now heightened by the visit here of Guinea's first head of state, President Sékou Touré As with all distinguished visitors, we are, of course, proud and happy that President Touré has included Durham and North Carolina in his personal inspection of the United States.
The reason a leader of the nationalistic spirit sweeping across central Africa should include a Southern tour in his itinerary is obvious. While this reason requires that we not only shoulder the normal responsibilities of good hosts but take on the responsibility of showing how we are striving to overcome difficult problems, the chance to provide the Guinean President with a first-hand perspective on actual attitudes and conditions is a welcome one.
President Touré, like us, has problems that should be better understood for his visit. Cut adrift by France with virtually no industry and a painful shortage of trained leaders in all fields, Guinea is truly beginning its national history from scratch.
Dependency like the recently discarded colonialism is anathema to the surge of African nationalism which rightly seeks national integrity even if it seeks economic solvency. So President Touré looks on us, as he has said, “with the eyes of Africa,” to find out if the United States “stands for freedom or foreign subjugation of peoples whose only demand is the application of the same principles upon which the United States was founded.”
In a final interview with newsmen at the Raleigh-Durham Airport that afternoon,
Touré said that he was very happy with his visit to North Carolina, and
that he had received a good impression of the state and of its people. In reply
to the query as to whether the visit had changed any of his conceptions of southern
racial relations, Touré said that the visit had served to reinforce his
previous conceptions. If his ideas had not been favorable before leaving Guinea,
he would not have come. He had asked to see the South, Touré said, because
he wished to see the diversity of the United States.
We were officially welcomed to Chicago the next day (Friday, October 30) by Mayor
Richard J. Daley in an outdoor ceremony, followed by a luncheon given by the Mayor.
We went to nearby Evanston to attend a tea given by Dr. Melville Herskovits, then
Director of the African Program at Northwestern University. The Guineans enjoyed
conversing with the lively and interesting Dr. Herskovits and his wife. We left
Evanston to attend a buffet dinner given that night by Adlai E. Stevenson at his
residence in Libertyville, Illinois. Governor Stevenson had resumed his law practice
after his second unsuccessful attempt as a presidential candidate. In the very
congenial atmosphere of the Stevenson home, Touré had the opportunity to
meet some of the most influential men in American business.
Departing from Chicago's Midway Airport at 9:00 C.S.T. the next morning, we reached
Los Angeles at 3:00 P.M. P.S.T. Saturday. It was during the flight to Los Angeles
on the Military Air Transport Service plane that the members of the Guinean delegation
really began to relax. They told me how much they had been touched by their reception
by the American people. They were amazed at the vastness of America, the diversity
of the people, and the freedom they enjoyed. They spoke respectfully of Eisenhower
as a great military Icader, and singled out Secretary of State Herter as the governmental
head with whom they would like most to deal, because of his human kindness, honesty,
sincerity, and respect for others. The Guineans stopped lowering their voices or
changing the subject of conversation when I moved down the aisle or took an adjacent
seat. We became a traveling team and remained thus until the trip was over. It
was during this leg of the journey that President Touré dubbed Minister
Béavogui, Minister Keita, and myself the “Three Musketeers” because
we had stood together in all of the receiving lines and were the only members of
the delegation who didn't drink fruit juice.
The calculated risk taken by the Department in assigning me to travel throughout
the country with the group was paying off. The risk involved was the possibility
of conflicts of personality among individuals traveling together in close quarters
for a period of almost two weeks. The trip gave us the chance to get to know one
another extremely well. The Guineans came to appreciate the United States more
and to understand Americans better. The understanding which developed during this
American visit withstood the crises and the strained relations that threatened
United States-Guinea rapport during the rest of my tour of duty in Guinea.
The most significant event of the Los Angeles visit was the little publicized meeting
in Disneyland between President Touré and John F. Kennedy, who at that time
was Senator from the state of Massachusetts. This private meeting had been planned
originally for Sunday evening at the Ambassador Hotel, but had been changed to
Sunday morning (November 1) at Disneyland. This was indeed a historic meeting between
the two young leaders—one who was destined to become President of this great
land, and one who had won independence for his nation. Senator Kennedy was then
chairman of the subcommittee on Africa of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.
He had expressed a point of view about Algerian independence that did not place
him on the side of the French.
After introductions, the two men exchanged pleasantries about each other's youthful
appearance and implied that youth was probably an important attribute for a leadcr
in today's world. Senator Kennedy then expressed his keen interest in Guinean independence
and in the struggle confronting Touré to maintain this independence. Turning
to me, he said that, with all due respect to me and to the party which I represented,
he would like to go on record as assuring President Touré that, if the Democratic
Party came into power in the 1960 election, it would certainly have a great interest
in the progress of Guinea and other emerging nations of Africa. Senator Kennedy
wished President Touré well in his efforts to improve conditions in Guinea,
and quipped that at least the latter had only one political party to deal with
in Guinea, even though its symbol was an elephant (Syli).
In reply, President Touré expressed warmly his appreciation to the Senator
for his willingness to confer with the delegation, and for his expression of interest
in the Guinean experience. Touré assured him that such personal contact
was most important in fostering better understanding and improvcd relations among
nations. Touré made it clear that he and his colleagues had followed with
great interest the Senator's stand on the question of Algerian independence. He
concluded by wishing Kennedy continuing success in his future political endeavors.
The next time they met was at the White House in 1962, when Touré conferred
with Kennedy as President of the United States.
Something in the personality of this young, handsome, well-poised Senator struck
a responsive chord in the Guineans. They were not more enthusiastic in their reactions
to any other American than they were to Kennedy. They praised his youth, his courage,
his astonishing knowledge of world affairs in general, and of the problems of developing
countries in particular. They enjoyed the distinction drawn by Kennedy between
the policies on Africa pursued by the two major American political parties. They
believed what Kennedy had said concerning Guinea and Africa if the Democratic Party
won the November 1960 election.
When the Guineans returned to Conakry, they were still talking about their meeting
with Kennedy in Disneyland. There were no observers of the American political campaign
of 1960 more interested than were the men who had visited America and had met Kennedy.
Minister Fodéba Keita, after apologizing for appearing to interfere in the
internal affairs of my country, told me that if he were an American, he would certainly
vote for Kennedy because of the quality of his leadership. The Guineans were very
happy when they learned in August 1960 that Kennedy, the Democratic presidential
candidate, was sending Governor Averell Harriman to Africa on a fact-finding mission
that included Guinea in its itinerary. They were even more elated when Kennedy
was elected President, and they were shocked and genuinely grieved by the loss
of the young President to an assassin's bullet in November 1963.
After we left Los Angeles, we spent a night in Wheeling, West Virginia, and the
next morning visited the Olin Mathieson aluminum plant in Omal, Ohio. We reached
Ncw York on Wednesday, November 4, where we were welcomed by a ticker-tape parade,
and President Touré was presented with the key to the city by the Acting
Mayor, Abraham Stark. This ceremony was followed by a luncheon at the Commodore
Hotel given by Mr. Stark. Later that afternoon we met Governor Nelson Rockefeller
at the New York Museum of Primitive Art and were taken by the Governor on a personally
conducted tour of the Museum. Governor Rockefeller commented on the collection
in fluent French. President Touré inaugurated an exhibit of Guinean art.
A round-table discussion on Africa with the members of the Council on Foreign Relations
at the Pratt House was followed by a dinner given at the Waldorf-Astoria by the
African-American Institute.
In the Waldorf lobby just before dinner Ambassador Diallo disclosed that it had
been decided to call off the state visit to Canada, scheduled to begin Friday,
November 6. Diallo said that he could give me no details on the reason for this
decision, but that Canadian officials were being informed at that very moment.
I told Diallo that I hoped his delegation had prepared a statement for the press,
and he indicated that a statement was being prepared.
Ambassador Diallo and I entered the Jansen Suite where the dinner was to be held
and found our places on the dais. We had hardly settled in our chairs before several
reporters appeared on the floor below. One enterprising reporter jumped up on the
dais, crawled under the table, and popped up next to my chair. He said the word
was out that the Guinean delegation had suddenly canceled the visit to Canada,
and wanted to know the reason. I told him I had no information, and I referred
him to Ambassador Diallo. After conferring with the Ambassador, the reporter returned
to me and repeated his question. I merely shrugged my shoulders. During the course
of the evening the scene just described was repeated several times and gained a
certain comic effect.
There were numerous conjectures in the press the following day about the cancellation
of the Canada visit. It was noted that two Guinean Ministers had arrived the previous
day, and questions were raised about reports emanating from Guinea of unrest and
disorders among the people. Also suggested was the possibility of a serious disagreement
between the Guinean Government and the corporation Aluminium of Canada, which extracted
bauxite from the Los Islands just off the shore of Conakry.
Canadian authorities were very much put out at the unexpected turn of events because
they had scheduled a full-scale program for the visit. The Guineans never did reveal
the Imuson tile Canadian visit was canceled.
On Thursday, November 5, President Touré attended a luncheon in his honor
at the United Nations, givcn by Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold. The Guinean
President was to address a session of the General Assembly after the luncheon.
He had been puzzled by the omission of my name from the list of those invited to
the luncheon and had asked Ambassador Telli Diallo to inquire about this seeming
oversight. Diallo was informed that it was customery for the United States to have
only one Ambassador in attendance at such affairs and since Ambassador Lodge had
been invited, I was not. The Guineans felt that this was a very peculiar protocol
arrangement, and expressed their regrets to mr that I was not to be present.
I met President Touré and his colleagues after the luncheon and went with
them to the General Assembly. The President's entrance was applauded by all the
delegates with the exception of the French, who remained silent throughout Toure's
speech. Touré declared in eloquent French that even though the newly independent
African nations stood in need of assistance, they would not accept “paternalism” in
any form, and they would not be taken in tow by either the Western or Eastern bloc.
He said that Africa was seeking the kind of assistance that would help it free
itself from foreign pressures and exploitation. He characterized the newly formed
French Community of African states as a “union of rider and horse,” and
he asserted that the friendship of Africans was going to those who would help break
the chains that imprisoned them. At the conclusion of his speech Touré was
roundly applauded.
We were escorted to a downstairs conference room, where the Guinean delegation
met with the Afro-Asian group. I had not being told about this meeting and inadvertently
went along with President Touré and his colleagues. The room seemed to be
somewhat crowded, and I saw Krishna Menon of India conferring with several delegates.
I asked one of the delegates standing nearby what was going to happen. He said
that President Touré would address a special session of the Afro-Asian group.
As I turned to make my way to the door, Krishna Menon called the meeting to order.
The Guinean Ministers told me that I should not leave before the President spoke,
so there I was.
At the close of the session, photographers took pictures of the assemblage. The
Guineans were much amused later when they saw a picture in the newspapers with
the caption “President Touré and his Cabinet,” because I could
be seen in the background. They thought it was amusing that their “American
brother,” as they now called me, had attended the Afro-Asian meeting by mistake
and had been taken for a member of Sékou Touré's Cabinet.
Although the state visit ended officially with Touré's appearance at the
United Nations, the State Department asked me to remain with the delegation until
it left New York for London on Monday night, November 9. The decision not to go
to Canada necessitated this shift in plans. The security officers remained on duty
also. We were present, therefore, to witness an event which almost marred the good
results achieved during the official phase of the Touré visit.
A certain New York impresario had convinced somebody that President Touré should
come to Harlem for a parade and a program at the 369th Artillery Armory. Many of
Harlem's leading citizens knew nothing about these plans until they had been agreed
upon. On a rainy Saturday afternoon Touré rode through the Harlem streets
in an open car and stopped off at the Armory where a crowd had gathered to hear
him speak.
As the President of the New York Chapter of the NAACP moved up to the microphone,
a series of loud boos and whistles came from the audience. The Guinean Ministers
and Ambassador Telli Diallo rushed over to me on the speaker's platform to find
out what was happening and particularly whether this disrespect was directed toward
their leadcr. They suggested that we leave at once. I was as puzzled as they, but
I consulted hurriedly with New York officials, who informed me that a feud existed
between nationalist groups and the NAACP. They assured me that no disrespect was
intended for President Touré. The Guineans, though not complete y reassured
by this information, decided to stay.
Order was finally restored, but the NAACP official never did get the chance to
make his welcoming speech. Touré's speech, delivered through an interpreter
who had replaced the one so severely criticized by Ambassador Diallo, was well
received. President Touré later brushed aside the incident and said that
people all over the world had disagreements, regardless of color. One Harlem newspaper,
the Amsterdam News, warned that such incidents might cause the State Department
to make Harlem off limits to visiting diplomats.
A side effect of the Guinean visit to America became apparent seven months later
at a May Day celebration in Conakry. Until that time I had had no reason to recall
an incident the day we reached Los Angeles that previous october. Ministers Fodéba
Keita and Louis-Lansana Béavogui had been very much impressed by the eye-catching
maneuvers and skillful riding of the motorcycle police escort during our swift
journey from Los Angeles International Airport to the Ambassador Hotel. No sooner
had we reached the hotel than the two Ministers asked me to introduce them to the
escort squadron leader. With me as interpreter, they proceeded to ask the policeman
all sorts of technical questions concerning the motorcycles. Pressed for time,
I tactfully suggested to the Ministers that we could get additional information
later. The matter didn't come up again, and I gave it no further thought.
On the morning of May 1, 1960, in downtown Conakry, I took the seat reserved for
me in the reviewing stand and talked quietly with British chargé Hugh Jones
and Israeli Ambassador Shlomo Hillel as we awaited President Touré and other
dignitaries. After a short wait the President appeared, descended from his new
black Cadillac, and mounted the stand amid the applause of the throng packed behind
the police lines along the broad boulevard. I was slightly puzzled at the conspicuous
absence of the usual police escort, but forgot about this as the ceremonies began.
Suddenly, from the distance could be heard a noise that resembled the sound of
airplane engines warming up. The crowd in the street turned as one person in the
direction of the sound, but those of us in the sland could see nothing. At the
precise moment when President Touré took his seat in the stand, there appeared
a detail of motorcycle police elegantly dressed in new uniforms and white gloves,
and mounted on huge and powerful Harley Davidson motorcycles that glistened in
the sun.The cowded resounded with shouts and the gleeful chapping of hands. From
all sides of the square came the cry: “Amérique! Amérique!
Amérique!”
I became conscious that the spectators near the reviewing stand were looking in
my direction and applauding. I did the only polite thing I could think of, which
was to return the recognition by waving to them. How was I to let them know that
I was assurprised as they were to see those motorcycles? No agreement had been
signed between the United States and Guinea at that stage. These motorcyles must
have been purchased as a result of initiative taken by the Guinean Government,
with its own funds. The populace interpreted the miraculous appearance of impressive-looking
motorcycles as further evidence of American interest in
Guinean development. They might have been shocked to discover that I preferred
assistance in the areas of health and education as evidences of American interest.
Seated just two places to my left in the reviewing stand that morning was Ambassador
Vladimir Knap of Czechoslovakia. His usually smiling countenance was an interesting
study in crimson and somberness. Looking at the Ambassador caused me to realize
that on this day we had something in common—surprise. Knap was just as dumfounded
as I to discover that those choice motorcycles so nobly supplied by his country
through barter trade agreements had been replaced by American motorcycles. For
him this meant a loss of face and an apparent closeness in ties between America
and Guinea which he had had no cause to suspect until this sleight of hand on a
May Day morning.
Of course, Knap was wrong in surmising that the new machines had any political
significance; but I did enjoy the spot lie was in. My colleagues in the diplomatic
corps would have adjudged me the biggest hypocrite in Guinea had I tried to convince
them that I was not a part of this plot to show off American technological superiority.
I found out that the machines had been received in Guinea and hidden in a warehouse.
Arrangements had been made for police officers to learn to handle the powerful
motorcycles in secret in an outlying village. The machines were brought into Conakry
for the first time that morning and unveiled just before parade time.
After the President's speech and the parade, I walked up to Ministers Keita and
Béavogui, who were smiling broadly as I approached. I shook their hands
and admitted that they had really put one over on me. What I did not tell them
was that they had put one over on Ambassador Knap also, and had at the same time
helped my situation in Guinea a great deal.
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