Category Archives: Société

La société, humaine, civile, professionnelle

Labé : un manifestant tué à coups de matraque

La police déployée dans les rues de Conakry
La police déployée dans les rues de Conakry

Un militant de l’opposition a été tué à Labé, dans le centre-nord du pays, lors des nouvelles manifestations organisées contre le président Alpha Condé, jeudi 23 avril.

Ousmane Bah, originaire de Dalen et âgé de 25 ans est mort sous les coups de matraque des forces de l’ordre, selon les déclarations d’une source hospitalière, sous couvert d’anonymat. Le corps a été conduit à la morgue de l’hôpital régional par les manifestants aux cris de Allahu akbar (Dieu est le plus grand) et « Mort aux dictateurs », selon des témoins.

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Le climat était très tendu entre manifestants et forces de l’ordre en début d’après-midi dans la ville située à quelque 400 km de la capitale et fief du chef de file de l’opposition, l’ex-premier ministre Cellou Dalein Diallo. Le marché central et les écoles étaient fermés, ainsi que des stations-service.

A Kindia, à 130 km à l’est de Conakry, où se déroulait également une marche de protestation, l’opposition a fait état de plusieurs dizaines d’arrestations.

Par ailleurs, à Conakry, les forces de l’ordre ont barré au moyen de véhicules l’accès aux domiciles de deux dirigeants de l’opposition, les anciens premiers ministres Diallo et Sidya Touré, a-t-on appris auprès des intéressés.

« J’ai appris qu’ils [les policiers] ont barricadé toutes les issues, seuls ceux qui veulent rentrer peuvent le faire, mais pour sortir c’est non », a déclaré à l’AFP Cellou Dalein Diallo.

Barricades à Conakry

« Les forces de l’ordre ont érigé des barricades en plaçant plusieurs de leurs véhicules aux entrées et sorties de mon domicile, toutes les ruelles qui mènent chez moi sont barricadées », a affirmé M. Touré. « C’est la preuve que nous sommes dans un état de siège ici en Guinée, on bastonne les militants par-ci, on tue les autres par-là », a-t-il ajouté.

Après une journée « ville morte » à Conakry au début du mois puis des manifestations non autorisées mi-avril et en début de semaine, avec plusieurs morts et des blessés, l’opposition cherchait jeudi à étendre son mouvement à l’ensemble du pays. Elle demande le respect du calendrier électoral avec la tenue rapide du scrutin local jusqu’ici différé par le chef de l’Etat.

En visite officielle à Paris, Alpha Condé a réaffirmé que l’élection présidentielle serait organisée en octobre 2015 sans évoquer la requête de l’opposition.

Le Monde / AFP

Les manifestations de l’opposition continuent

De nouvelles manifestations de l’opposition ont eu lieu lundi en Guinée. Plusieurs personnes ont été blessées.

L’appel à manifester de l’opposition a été plutôt bien suivi lundi 20 avril à Conakry, même si aucun rassemblement important n’a été signalé. La circulation sur l’autoroute Le Prince, principal théâtre des affrontements de la semaine dernière, menant des banlieues au centre-ville à travers des quartiers populaires favorables à l’opposition, était quasi inexistante.

Les commerces, stations-service et écoles étaient fermés en banlieue, où se concentre la grande majorité de la population, de même que le grand marché de Madina. “Ici il n’y a pas de demi-mesure, tout le monde est pour l’opposition. Il suffit d’un simple appel à manifester pour que tout ferme”, a expliqué à l’AFP Alphadio Diallo, habitant du quartier de Dar es-Salam.

En revanche, sur la presqu’île de Kaloum, quartier administratif et des ambassades, les services fonctionnaient, bien qu’au ralenti, et les écoles étaient ouvertes. “Nous sommes obligés de faire des provisions parce que le pays n’est plus sûr. Tous les jours il y a des mouvements, des violences dans la capitale”, a confié Maciré Camara, commerçante au marché Niger de Kaloum.

“Les populations ont massivement répondu à l’appel de l’opposition”, s’est en tout cas réjouit son leader Cellou Dalien Diallo, revendiquant “un succès éclatant”. Ce dernier, dont le convoi a été arrêté par la police qui l’a forcé à retourner chez lui, a confirmé un nouvel appel à défiler dans tout le pays, jeudi prochain. Il a rencontré une délégation du gouvernement dimanche, sans que les discussions aboutissent à une baisse des tensions.

L’opposition demande l’annulation du calendrier de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante (Céni) qui renvoie les élections locales à 2016, après la présidentielle fixée à octobre 2015.

Quelques incidents sporadiques

Les forces de l’ordre étaient déployées en masse pour empêcher les protestataires d’atteindre le siège de la Ceni, sur laquelle l’opposition avait appelé à marcher. Des incidents sporadiques, marqués par des échanges de jets de pierres et de gaz lacrymogènes, ont opposé des jeunes aux policiers et gendarmes, avec barricades et pneus incendiés.

Plusieurs personnes ont été blessées, dont un élève gendarme, selon le gouvernement.

Un jeune de 15 ans a été blessé par balle à l’épaule et un autre manifestant à la jambe, tandis qu’un troisième a eu les jambes écrasées par un véhicule de police, selon le directeur de la polyclinique de Dixinn, le Dr Abdoulaye Barry.

À Mamou, dans le centre du pays, où l’opposition a décidé de manifester dès lundi, un de ses responsables a été blessé, de même qu’une dizaine de gendarmes, dont le véhicule a eu un accident, selon des témoins et une source médicale.

Le gouverneur Soriba Sorel Camara a déploré que l’opposition poursuive “ses actes de désobéissance civile” malgré la proclamation d’une période d’urgence sanitaire renforcée” en raison de l’épidémie d’Ebola et l’interdiction des manifestations.

Jeuneafrique.com / AFP

Ebola Countries Get World Bank Financing

Washington, DC. April 17, 2015 — The World Bank Group (WBG) announced today that it would provide at least US$650 million during the next 12 to 18 months to help Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone recover from the devastating social and economic impact of the Ebola crisis and advance their longer-term development needs. The new WBG pledge brings the organization’s total financing for Ebola response and recovery efforts to date to US$1.62 billion.

The additional funding announcement comes as the WBG releases new GDP estimates showing that the Ebola epidemic continues to cripple the economies of Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone. Estimated GDP losses for the three countries in 2015 rose to US$2.2 billion: US$240 million for Liberia, US$535 million for Guinea and US$1.4 billion for Sierra Leone. In addition to the severe effects of Ebola, the economic downturn in the three countries is aggravated by the sharp decline in global iron ore prices, as well as the collapse of the mining sector in Sierra Leone, resulting in an unprecedented GDP contraction in that country estimated at 23.5 percent.

WBG President Jim Yong Kim announced the new funding from the International Development Association (IDA), the WBG’s fund for the poorest countries, at an Ebola summit during the WBG-IMF Spring Meetings. President Alpha Condé of Guinea, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia, and President Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone presented their Ebola recovery plans to global development leaders at the meeting.

The new funding is on top of the nearly US$1 billion that the WBG previously committed for the Ebola emergency response and early recovery efforts from IDA (US$518 million) and IFC (US$450 million), and also comes on top of US$2.17 billion in debt relief from the WBG (Guinea, US$1,098.5 million; Liberia, US$464.7 million; and Sierra Leone, US$ 506.8 million), which during 2015-17 will save the three countries about US$75 million annually in debt payments

In line with the countries’ recovery plans, the five priority areas for the additional IDA funds include:

  • strengthening health systems and frontline care
  • agriculture
  • education
  • cash transfers and other social protection programs
  • lifesaving infrastructure such as electricity, water, sanitation and roads

The funds also will be used to develop a regional disease surveillance system across West Africa that will help prevent or contain future pandemics.

“Even as we work relentlessly to get to zero new Ebola cases, the international community must help Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone jumpstart their recovery and build a safer, more prosperous and resilient future for their people,” said Jim Yong Kim, President of the World Bank Group.
“Many of us have acknowledged that the international community was slow to react to Ebola. Let’s show that we have learned this lesson by supporting an effective and sustainable recovery that also prepares these countries—and the rest of the world—for the next pandemic.”

Since the WBG issued its last economic update on January 20, 2015, important differences among the three countries are emerging.

  • The new report finds that Sierra Leone is now facing a severe recession with the potential for an unprecedented -23.5% growth rate in 2015, resulting from financial issues that led to the closure of iron ore mining.
  • Liberia is gradually returning to normalcy, with a projected GDP growth rate of 3% in 2015, higher than in 2014 though still well below pre-Ebola estimates of 6.8%.
  • Guinea’s economy continues to stagnate, with a projected growth of -0.2% for 2015 compared to pre-Ebola rate of 4.3%.

As a result, the WBG says additional international financing is urgently needed to help the three countries recover fully and reclaim the positive development and growth paths that prevailed before the Ebola epidemic struck West Africa. The pace of recovery in these countries will also depend on how effectively their recovery plans can be carried out.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), in the week leading up to April 12, there were a total of 37 confirmed cases of Ebola, compared with 30 thie previous week. Case incidence in Guinea increased to 28, compared with 21 confirmed cases the previous week; Sierra Leone reported 9 confirmed cases, the same total as in the previous week; and Liberia reported no confirmed cases.

“The full recovery of Ebola-affected countries is only possible when the outbreak has ended and safeguards have been put in place to prevent re-introduction of the disease,” said UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who attended the World Bank Group Ebola summit. “Our energy must now focus on effective action to eliminate Ebola, the revival and strengthening of health systems, and ensuring the resilience of communities in the face of future threats: these are a precondition for sustainable and durable recovery.”

World Bank Group’s Response to Ebola Crisis

As of April 2015, the World Bank Group has mobilized US$1.62 billion to date in financing for Ebola response and recovery efforts to support the countries hardest hit by Ebola. This includes US$1.17 billion from IDA, the World Bank Group’s fund for the poorest countries and at least US$450 million from IFC, a member of the World Bank Group, to enable trade, investment and employment in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone.

World Bank Group Press release

A Kinder, Gentler Buhari

Muhammadu Buhari has a second chance to prove to Nigeria that he can end corruption, revive the economy, and defeat Boko Haram. But to do so, he’ll have to show his softer side.

The first time Muhammadu Buhari ruled Nigeria, he was a boyish, unsmiling, teetotaling, 41-year-old major general, invited to take office by a coterie of lower-ranking military officers who had just overthrown the elected civilian government of Shehu Shagari. Buhari was not a complete unknown commodity to Nigerians: He’d commanded the Third Division of the Nigerian Army and had overseen the Petroleum Ministry in the military government that had handed over power to Shagari four years earlier. Even still, his rise to head of state was a something of a surprise.

The coup took place in the waning hours of 1983, allowing Buhari, a Muslim from northern Nigeria, to emerge as a New Year’s gift of sorts to an unsuspecting nation. President Shagari had just begun his second term, following an election marred, like all others in Nigeria’s history, by vote rigging and violence. “The last general election was anything but free and fair. The only political parties that could complain of election rigging are those parties that lacked the resources to rig,” Buhari said in his inaugural speech on New Year’s Day 1984.

I was three months shy of my second birthday, and remember nothing of that era. What my peers and I know of this Buhari comes from the stories told by earlier generations to the tens of millions of Nigerians who weren’t alive the first time around. But now, the nearly 128 million Nigerians under the age of 30 will be able to judge Buhari for themselves.

In my mother’s retelling of one of the stories from that period, I have a starring role. In 1982, not too long before the coup, the government of Nigeria suffered a sharp drop in government revenues on account of a slump in global oil prices and the rising cost of foreign debt service. In response, the Shagari government imposed an “austerity” program, which included budget cuts, along with an “essential commodity” scheme that compelled citizens to queue outside designated centers for their allotted rations of imported rice, milk, cooking oil, and soap. My parents had only just returned to Nigeria after studying in Britain for several years, and apparently spent so much time talking about the rationing that I, just learning to speak, thought it fitting to tell anyone who cared to listen that my name was “Essential Commodity.”

When Buhari came to power, he continued with Shagari’s rationing program and his austerity-inflected economic policies, cutting down on imports and government expenditures, and trimming the civil service. Where the two governments differed was in their approaches to corruption. Unlike Shagari, who paid lip service to combating corruption, Buhari showed resolve, throwing dozens of allegedly crooked Shagari government officials into prison.

His administration also launched a “War Against Indiscipline,” empowering soldiers and a special paramilitary corps to seek out and punish “everyday manifestations of indiscipline,” which included such minor infractions as littering, failing to form queues, inflating the prices of goods, and showing up late to work.

The discipline campaign also applied to the press, whose freedom was curtailed by Decree 4 — making it an offense for journalists to publish anything “which brings or is calculated to bring the Federal Military Government or the Government of a state or public officer to ridicule or disrepute.”

Nigeria’s secret police, the National Security Organization, grew extremely powerful under the coordinating eye of Buhari’s deputy, Tunde Idiagbon.

It didn’t take long for Nigerians to tire of Buhari’s heavy-handedness, and there was palpable relief in August of 1985, when the same men who had brought him to power deposed him just as suddenly.
He was replaced by his army chief of staff, Ibrahim Babangida, a major general from Niger state in the northwest, whose sunniness offered the perfect counterpoint to Buhari’s dourness.

In his inaugural speech, Babangida accused Buhari of being “too rigid and uncompromising in his attitudes to issues of national significance” and Idiagbon of “arrogat[ing] to himself absolute knowledge of problems and solutions.”

Things started out well enough. Babangida emptied the jails of Buhari’s prisoners, and courted the press by annulling Decree 4.

He continued the austerity program, but repackaged it as a homegrown “structural adjustment program” (SAP).

Then in 1986, he did what previous governments had avoided: He unhitched the naira from its dollar peg, resulting in the most substantial devaluation in the currency’s history. In 1985, $1 U.S. officially exchanged for 0.89 naira. By 1990, the rate was $1 U.S. to 8 naira. Soon, the economy would crater.
Nigeria, an import-dependent country, watched helplessly as prices soared and the real value of wages plummeted. An already beleaguered middle class bore the brunt of this pain, causing hordes of doctors, nurses, and academics to flee to North America and Europe in search of a better life. Industries reliant on dollar-denominated imports of raw materials and operating equipment found it increasingly difficult to survive.

Babangida also quickly grew repressive, brutally putting down anti-SAP protests and abandoning his liberal attitude to the press. The promise of the Babangida era was rapidly dissipating.

In December 1988, Babangida freed Buhari, whom he had placed under house arrest since being forced from power. Buhari retired to a quiet life tending to his herd of cattle in his hometown in northern Nigeria.
It was during this period, after watching the collapse of the Soviet Union, that he became convinced, he says, “that multiparty democratic system was and is still superior to despotism.”

Still, in 1994, he accepted an offer from dictator Sani Abacha, who had recently become Nigeria’s head of state following yet another palace coup, to head the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), a new government agency set up to invest proceeds from a partial removal of petrol subsidies into infrastructure.

[Notably, it was Abacha who made the television broadcasts announcing the coups that both installed and deposed Buhari on Dec. 31, 1983, and Aug. 27, 1985, respectively.]

Buhari ran the PTF until Abacha’s sudden death in June 1998.

Since then, Abacha’s regime has been implicated in the systematic looting of Nigerian government funds; the Swiss government has in the last decade repatriated to Nigeria hundreds of millions of dollars from bank accounts linked to the Abacha family.

But in spite of his service to Abacha’s corrupt government, Buhari has managed to maintain his reputation within the country as an honest and incorruptible man; it’s rare in Nigeria to see a retired army general with no links to Swiss bank accounts, oil blocks, or shares in large companies.

This status has been Buhari’s biggest political asset over the past decade. He ran for president in 2003, 2007, and 2011, ardently supported by the poor masses of northern Nigeria to whom he is “Mai Gaskiya,” or “the honest one” in the widely spoken Hausa language.

It was only in his 2015 presidential run that he finally became, in the eyes of millions of Nigerians, the one best positioned to stand up to the vested interests that completely hijacked the outgoing government of his predecessor, Goodluck Jonathan.

In a December 2014 letter to party delegates gathered in Lagos for his party’s presidential primary, he wrote,

“I am not a rich person. I can’t give you a pocketful of dollars or naira to purchase your support. Even if I could, I would not do so. The fate of this nation is not up for sale.”

Buhari’s second-most formidable asset has been his ambition for the presidency. Indeed, all of Nigeria’s previously elected presidents — Shagari, Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Yar’Adua, and Jonathan — initially showed little zeal for the presidency, until the months leading to the elections that brought them to power.
Shagari had his eyes on the Senate. Obasanjo had just emerged from prison after being jailed by Abacha in 1995 on trumped-up treason charges. Yar’Adua and Jonathan had other plans when the outgoing Obasanjo picked them as presidential and vice presidential candidates, respectively, of the ruling People’s Democratic Party.

The 72-year-old Buhari is the exception to this long-running rule of Nigerian politics. After his third loss in 2011, he pledged that he was done with presidential politics. But in 2012, he reversed course: Even though I said at some stage that I wouldn’t present myself for candidature again… I remain in party politics as long as I have breath in me,” he declared in an interview that year.
Shortly afterward, he led his party, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) into the merger that produced the All Progressives Congress party (APC) — the coalition that enabled Buhari to finally capture the presidency.

Buhari’s acquiescence to the merger is proof of how much he — a man seen by military colleagues as “too rigid” — has changed in recent years. He ran his first three campaigns on the strength of political organizations largely defined by the cult of personality. But after placing a distant second on each occasion (with virtually all his votes coming from Nigeria’s 12 northernmost, Muslim-majority states), he seemed to realize the need to try a different approach: trading sole proprietorship of the CPC — ineffectual outside its northern Nigerian stronghold — for a stake in a better-organized and better-funded machine with broader appeal. Each of the four parties that merged brought some form of regional clout to the table.

The sacrifice has now paid off handsomely.

On May 29, Buhari will be sworn in as president — the first opposition candidate for president to unseat an incumbent in Nigeria. He will also be only the second Nigerian, after Obasanjo, to rule Nigeria at two different times, first as military dictator and then as elected president.
It turns out that some of those who most ardently supported him in the recent election were victims of his dictatorial rule.

Thanks to Jonathan’s halfhearted, visionless presidency, Buhari inherits a country in a situation so similar to 1984 it seems like déjà vu.
As in 1984, he takes over from a corruption-ridden administration. And, as in much of the 1980s, global oil prices are plummeting, imperiling the Nigerian economy. And in yet another parallel, Buhari will likely draw on his reputation as a tough military leader to restore the confidence of Nigerians as the country continues to wage war on Boko Haram.

The first obstacle for Buhari: restoring a sense of self-respect to government.
Nigerians expect him to run a government that, unlike the outgoing one, is neither given to executive nonchalance nor overly beholden to vested interests. But there is plenty of speculation surrounding how, against the backdrop of his stated determination to fight corruption, he will deal with those in the ranks of his powerful backers and campaign funders who have acquired a reputation for dirty dealing.

He’ll also need to govern with a lighter touch. The first time around, as military dictator, Buhari ruled through a “Supreme Military Council” that combined executive and legislative powers. Now, the self-described “converted democrat” will need to work in cooperation with a parliament, as well as a judiciary and media that cannot be muzzled by military fiat.

He also must balance the needs of the motley coalition of political blocs that delivered him to the presidency. That coalition includes politicians like Bola Tinubu and Kayode Fayemi, who earned their stripes agitating from abroad against the tyranny of the Abacha government, and for the restoration of democratic rule, at the same time that Buhari served Abacha in the PTF.
There is also a powerful bloc of defectors from the People’s Democratic Party that has ruled Nigeria since 1999, without whom the APC would be a considerably weaker party.

Restoring good governance, however, will not address the major economic hurdles facing Nigeria.
In Buhari’s first go at the presidency, his handling of the economy, in spite of its focus on fighting graft and waste, did little to improve the lives of ordinary people. Today, foreign reserves are at their lowest level in a decade, despite the fact that for most of Jonathan’s tenure oil prices were near their highest levels ever. Since July of last year, the price of oil — on which the country depends for three-quarters of government revenues — has been halved, dragging the federal budget down with it.

Nigeria is also bleeding billions of dollars from alleged oil theft and opaque dealings with an array of private companies.

Meanwhile, there are the many promises yet to be fulfilled — on infrastructure projects, social security, a public works program, the creation of hundreds of thousands of new jobs — none of which the country can afford at this time.

These challenges are all compounded by Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation, and a military demoralized by its long struggle to contain the threat of Boko Haram. But here, Buhari’s track record may serve him well. Boko Haram is, after all, only the latest incarnation of a brand of militant Islamic fundamentalism that first emerged under President Shagari, as a sect known as Maitatsine.

Buhari himself had to deal with a Maitatsine uprising when he was head of state that left hundreds dead in Yola, a northeastern Nigerian city that Boko Haram came close to seizing last year.

Buhari’s reputation as a decisive military leader also stems from an incident in 1983 in which, as the commander of a military brigade overseeing northeastern Nigeria, he repelled an invasion by Chadian soldiers, pursuing them deep into Chadian territory. Perhaps this is where Buhari should start: reminding Nigerians that he took care of them once before and can do it again. But with a few modifications.

Buhari 2.0 must be as strong as Buhari 1.0. But he must be willing to welcome the disagreement and diversity of opinion that are the stuff of democracy, even as he struggles to restore a sense of integrity to government and bring the economy back from the edge. Or else he’ll face consequences he’s quite familiar with. Just one generation ago, Nigerians only took a couple of months before growing tired of the change Buhari represented. Many are now wondering: How long will President Buhari get?

Tolu Ogunlesi
Foreign Policy

Lansana Kouyaté : les conditions du dialogue

Manifestations de l'opposition à Conakry
Manifestations de l’opposition à Conakry, 13 avril 2015

Les violences se sont poursuivies mardi 14 avril dans la capitale guinéenne où, la veille, les manifestations initiées par l’opposition ont tourné à l’affrontement. Le bilan officiel de ces deux journées fait état de 2 morts et une dizaine de blessés (au moins 30 blessés selon l’opposition dans la seule journée de lundi). L’opposition, qui a retiré mi-mars ses députés du Parlement, met la pression sur le pouvoir, pour dénoncer l’insécurité et protester contre l’inversion du calendrier électoral qui prévoit la présidentielle en octobre 2015 mais repousse les élections locales derrière la présidentielle. Pour les trois principaux leaders de l’opposition, le président Condé, élu en 2010, a perdu toute légitimité. Pour en parler, RFI reçoit l’un de ses leaders, Lansana Kouyaté, ancien Premier ministre, à la tête du PEDN (Parti de l’espoir pour le développement national) arrivé 4e à la présidentielle de 2010.

RFI : Après les manifestations de lundi, le porte-parole du gouvernement a accusé l’opposition de vouloir créer le désordre. Est-ce que vous ne craignez pas d’être tenu responsable d’un nouvel embrasement du pays ?

Lansana Kouyaté : Ce qui créera l’embrasement du pays, c’est les manquements répétés aux accords signés, l’insécurité qui est galopante, la violation de toutes les lois de la République y compris celle de la loi fondamentale, la Constitution.

Que répondez-vous aux responsables du régime qui vous accuse de vouloir provoquer un bain de sang pour finalement attirer l’attention de la communauté internationale ?

Pour éviter le bain de sang, il faut que les fusils ne soient pas utilisés. On a utilisé des armes à feu, tout le monde l’a constaté. Il y a eu un mort au moins, une trentaine de blessés et ce ne sont pas des militaires qui sont blessés, ce sont des manifestants. Il n’y a plus de droit de manifester dans un pays qui se veut démocratique.

Le ministère de la Sécurité et de la protection civile a formellement démenti l’usage d’armes à feu par la police ?

Pour le savoir, il suffit de demander aux hôpitaux et aux cliniques privées, les personnes blessées qui ont été reçues, si ce sont des blessures à balles réelles ou pas.

Le pays a été paralysé lundi, est-ce que ce n’est pas irresponsable dans une Guinée encore très affectée par l’épidémie d’Ebola, on sait déjà que la Banque mondiale envisage une possible récession dans le pays pour 2015 ?

On accuse Ebola, mais avant ça déjà, quel était l’état de l’économie ? Des entreprises avaient fermé. Fria avait été fermée, la seule usine qui produisait de la poudre d’alumine chez nous. Sans compter Guinomar qui était l’une des plus vieilles entreprises de Guinée, je peux continuer à satiété. Et tout cela, c’était avant Ebola.

Autrement dit, c’est un prétexte selon vous ?

Absolument. On utilise chaque occasion pour expliquer l’échec.

Après les manifestations lundi, le gouvernement a lancé un appel à la retenue et au dialogue, l’opposition répond par un nouvel appel à manifester. Est-ce que ça signifie que vous avez renoncé à toute possibilité de dialogue ?

Ce n’est pas le premier dialogue. En 2013, les accords étaient signés, on a travaillé d’arrache-pied et cet accord là, a été foulé au pied, aucun des points n’a été respecté. Alors on ne va pas continuer à signer et à renier, cela aboutit à des situations telles que celles d’aujourd’hui.

Et à quelles conditions seriez-vous prêts à reprendre un dialogue aujourd’hui ?

Premièrement, qu’il respecte la Constitution. C’est par exemple enlever les maires qui ne sont pas élus. Près de 28 des maires de Guinée aujourd’hui sont nommés par le président depuis qu’il est arrivé au pouvoir, qu’on a appelé délégation sociale, mais qui n’en sont plus parce que ce sont des délégations qui sont là depuis quatre ans. L’une des conditions c’est que ces maires d’abord soient démis parce qu’ils sont là de façon illégale.

Pour justifier ce report des élections locales, le président de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante (Céni) a expliqué que l’administration n’avait pas encore fixé le nombre de conseillers et que pour le moment, aucun opérateur technique n’avait été désigné pour ce scrutin. Selon vous, ce ne sont pas des arguments valables pour justifier un report ?

Ce ne sont pas des arguments valables. De toutes les façons pour un président qui croît en la démocratie, quatre ans et demi sans élections communales alors que le mandat est totalement expiré, ça devrait être la priorité de son travail.

Donc vous doutez de la bonne foi du pouvoir avec ces arguments ?

Je n’en doute même pas. Je suis certain que le pouvoir l’a fait intentionnellement pour aller avec ces maires qui sont illégitimes à une élection, où ils serviront d’instruments de fraude et de vol.

Après l’annonce de ce nouveau calendrier électoral vous avez décidé, l’opposition, de ne plus reconnaître la Céni. Est-ce que vos représentants au sein de la Commission électorale sont partis ?

Je veux vous rappeler que la Céni était bel et bien en faveur de la tenue des élections communales. Le chef de l’Etat, comme il sait le faire, a fait injonction dans le travail de la Céni pour l’amener à changer d’avis. Le président met la Céni sous coupe, alors si on ne reconnaît pas la Commission, nos représentants doivent la quitter.

Vous voulez la présidentielle à la date prévue, mais aussi une recomposition de la Céni, l’organisation préalable des élections locales. Or tout ça, ça prend du temps, est-ce que ce n’est pas contradictoire finalement ?

On a toujours pesé sur le temps pour expliquer ce qui est anormal. Vous pensez qu’en cinq ans, on n’aurait pas pu organiser ces élections les unes après les autres ? Vous pensez qu’en cinq ans, on n’aurait pas pu avoir un fichier électoral totalement aseptisé ? Pourquoi en est-on là aujourd’hui ? C’est parce qu’en cinq ans, le président n’a pas voulu toucher à tout ça, pour attendre justement ce moment, créer ce blocage et dire allons aux élections avec des maires qui seront totalement à la merci du pouvoir.

Le président de la Céni estime qu’il faut environ un an pour organiser les élections locales. Est-ce que vous seriez prêt à accepter un report de la présidentielle pour permettre aux élections locales de se tenir avant ?

Nous avons déjà déclaré l’illégitimité du président, tout cela ne fera qu’augmenter encore cette illégitimité.

Et alors quelle solution pour une sortie de crise proposez-vous aujourd’hui ?

Que le président de la République mesure la gravité de la situation et qu’il dissolve le gouvernement et que tous les accords qui ont été signés, qu’il les applique. Il n’y pas 10 000 solutions, quand la justice a été blessée, il faut la soigner.

Florence Morice
RFI