J’introduis ici l’article “Les armées peul de l’Adamawa au 19e siècle” du Professeur Thierno Mouctar Bah, paru dans Etudes africaines : offertes à Henri Brunschwig, (EHESS, Paris, 1982). Conformément à ma ligne éditoriale, je convertis les noms francisés en version autochtone. D’où “Les armées fulɓe de l’Adamawa”. Une telle démarche supprime l’ambiguité inhérente aux noms étrangers, qui utilise le même terme (Fula, Fulani, Peul, etc.) pour désigner le peuple et la langue. Par contraste, le vocabulaire autochtone distingue nettement entre les noms désignant les locuteurs/locutrices (Pullo, singulier, et Fulɓe, pluriel), d’une part, et ceux indiquant la langue : Pular/Pulaar (à l’ouest de la Boucle du Niger) et Fulfulde (à l’est de celle-ci). De même je transcris les noms de personne et de lieu selon l’Alphabet Standard (Bamako, 1966).
Ma parenté avec Thierno Mouctar Bah
Thierno Mouctar est doublement mon parent ; cousin et neveu du côté de ma mère, cousin de côté de mon père. Son père, feu Elhadj Bailo Bah, est le cousin de ma mère. Soeur cadette de Saifoulaye Diallo, feue Hadja Safiatou, est une nièce de ma mère, mais aussi également la belle-soeur de mon père. Notre auteur porte le nom du frère benjamin de Tierno Aliyyu Buuɓa-Ndiyan. Notre dernière rencontre remonte à 2004 à Conakry. Je lui présentai mes condoléances à la suite du décès de Salimatou, sa soeur cadette et ma promotionnaire au Collège court de Labé aujourd’hui Lycée Cindel, au sud-est de la ville.
Un document innovateur et substantiel
Revenant à l’article, je vourais rappeler le parcours personnel et la carrière académique brillante de ce Fuutanke devenu fils adoptif et chercheur chveronné sur l’Adamawa —si distant de son Fuuta-Jalon natal. L’apport de Thierno Mouctar est singulier sur au moins deux points.
Une recherche est soignée et détailée; un compte-rendu direct, dépouillé et instructif. Le document est innovateur et substantiel.
L’article donne corps et vie à l’étude de Jean Suret-Canale intitulée “Essai sur la signification sociale et historique des hégémonies Peules (17e-18e-19e siècles)” (Cahiers du Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Marxistes + Recherches Africaines). Au lieu de se camper au niveau de la chronologie et des considérations générales, Thierno Mouctar nous enseigne beaucoup et mieux, en particulier sur le rôle prééminent du Arɗo (plur. Arɓe). Ce personnage antique, et pour ainsi parler ubiquitaire, fut rééllement pan-fulɓe. Il actualisa et symbolisa des siècles exaltants de l’histoire et de la civilisation pastorale fulɓe. Il incarne les valeurs guerrières, chevaleresques et héroiques fulbe. Sur les traces des grands bardes qui les ont précédés —je pense à Ali Farka Touré — Baaba, Mansour Seck et Daande Lenyol, célebrent l’épopée de Samba Gelaajo Jeejo, le preux Arɗo. Aux louanges des artistes s’ajoutent les nombreux ouvrages consacrés aux Arɓe. Voir la section qui leur est dédiée sur webPulaaku. avec un lien sur les Contes et légendes des Fulakunda du Bajar. Le cycle de Gelaajo, fils de Ham-Boɗeejo. Indiquons également l’ouvrage de Christiane Seydou sur Tinguidji, maître de la parole, etc..…
Le leadership du Arɗo prédate de loin l’islamisation. Il atteignit vraisemblablement son apogée avec la dynastie des Koliyaaɓe à l’Ouest (Sénégal, Gambie, Guinée-Bissau, Guinée, Mali). Le règne des Arɓe déclina graduellement avant d’être assimilé par l’avènement du clergé musulman, d’abord au Fuuta-Jalon (avec les Almaami), ensuite au Fuuta-Tooro (avec les Toroɓɓe) et au Maasina (avec Sheku Ahmadu Bari). Dans chacun des ces états la titulature arabo-musulmane supplanta celle des Arɓe. Aujourd’hui, les Arɓe musulmans persistèrent dans l’Est, notamment en Adamawa.…
Ali Farka Touré et Toumany Diabaté. Samba Gelaajo
Baaba Maal e Daande Lenyol. Samba Gelaajo Jeegi
Points de débats et contestations
Je relève deux points sujets à débats et contestations. Ils reflètent en réalité l’environnement intellectuel des recherches en sciences sociales en Afrique, à l’aube des indépendances dans les années 1960-70. En effet la note numéro 35 en fin d’article contient deux points qui suscitent les débats et alimentent les contestations. On y lit :
« Ce fut le cas en particulier de Samory qui, au 19e siècle, a su faire imiter à la perfection par ses forgerons les fusils à tir rapide que les puissances impérialistes refusaient de lui vendre. »
Ce passage insert, à juste titre, le personnage de l’Empereur Samori Touré dans un article sur l’art martial des Fulɓe. Mais il fait écho, à mon avis, à l’environnement intellectuel des recherches en sciences sociales en Afrique, à l’aube des indépendances dans les années 1960-70. On retrouve un style pareil sous la plume des historiens aînés de Thierno Mouctar, par exemple, Joseph Ki-Zerbo dans son Histoire de l’Afrique Noire. D’hier à Demain , et Djibril Tamsir Niane dans UNESCO — General History of Africa, Volume IV, Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. C’était, on le sait, le temps de l’euphorie et des espoirs inspirés par la souveraineté bourgeonnante des Etats africains naguère colonisés. Malheureusement, cette époque est révolue. Et l’histoire a détourné le continent de chemins exaltants… Surtout en Guinée et sa dictature pérenne !
Mes objections sont donc les suivantes :
1. Les impérialistes occidentaux ne tenaient évidemment pas à vendre des armes à des chefs et rois qu’ils combattaient ou envisageaient de combattre. Car ces armes et munitions auraient pu être retournées contre eux. Il est vrai que marchands d’armes, négociants et trafiquants passaient souvent outre les consignes des stratèges (civils et militaires) de la ruée de l’Europe sur l’Afrique.
2. Il a été question de l’ingéniosité et de la capacité de l’armée de Samori à “imiter à la perfection par ses forgerons les fusils à tir rapide”. Mais cet argument prête un flanc faible à la critique. Car l’imitation ne s’appliquait pas aux armes lourdes de l’artillerie (canons, mitrailleuses, cannonières, etc.)
A la fin du 19e siècle, Europe occidentale avait presque bouclé la Révolution Industrielle. D’une importance sans précéden dans l’histoire de l’humanité, ce processus lui donnait un avantage —économique, technlogique et militaire — énorme sur le reste du monde.
Ainsi, sur les champs de bataille d’Afrique, Samori en subit le choc démoralisateur. De 1887-1888 il livra le Sikaso-Kèlè à Babemba, roi de ce pays. Face à la résistance et aux tatas fortifiés de la cité, Samori dut lever son siège, non sans y avoir perdu ses meilleurs généraux, dont son frère, Kèmè Bourema, chef de la cavalerie, Lankama N’Valy Kamara, le vainqeur de Houbbous du Fuuta-Jalon, etc. Lorsqu’il apprit plus tard l’assaut français et la chute de Sikasso devant l’artillerie étrangère, il s’écria, résigné : Bori banna ! (Finie l’évasion, la fuite). C’est-à-dire ses dérobades vers l’est, en Côte d’Ivoire, face aux gains militaires français.
En conclusion, il est surfait de comparer le perfectionnement et la productivité des usines d’armes européennes avec les imitations des ateliers artisanaux de Samori.
Nonobstant ces deux remarques, les travaux et la contribution du Pr. Thierno Mouctar sont mondialement reconnus. Son article sur les armées fulɓe de l’Adamawa au 19e siècle restera un morceau classique d’investigation et de découverte du passé africain.
In 2007-08 Kenya experienced bloody post-electoral violence that claimed more than 1,300 lives and displaced 600,000 people. The conflict pit against each others the partisans of political formations, including the Kenya African Union (KANU) led by Uhuru Kenyatta, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) of Raila Odinga, etc.
In the aftermath of the tragedy, the International Criminal Court indicted the winner of the presidential election, Mr. Kenyatta. The charges alleged “crimes against humanity, including murder, deportation or forcible transfer of population, rape, persecution and other inhumane acts.” However, faced with the Kenyan authorities refusal to turn over “evidence vital to the case,” the chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, asked the Court to withdraw the case in 2013. Regardless, Mr. Kenyatta has ever since been resentful about his indictment. As a result, he has spent a great deal of energy, state resources and political pressure to weaken the ICC. First, he ended Kenya’s membership in the court. Then, he lobbied heavily among heads of state and at the African Union’s meetings for a global continental departure from the ICC. It appears though that his efforts were in vain. In an editorial piece, titled “In Africa, Seeking a License to Kill,” Rev. Desmond Tutu rebuked and condemned Mr. Kenyatta’s maneuver.
Low and behold, it turns out that today colonial era laws still deny Kenyan citizens some of their fundamental rights. Such are the facts laid out in Mercy Muendo‘s, article below, titled “Kenyans are still oppressed by archaic colonial laws.”
Upon reading the article, I am more than ever convinced that, instead of waging a loosing anti-ICC crusade —it got even lonelier following The Gambia’s recent return to the court —, Mr. Kenyatta ought to clean up his own yard, first.
Tierno S. Bah
Kenyans are still oppressed by archaic colonial laws
It’s been 54 years since Kenya got her independence and yet there are still a number of archaic, colonial and discriminatory laws on the statute books. From archival research I have done it’s clear that these laws are used to exploit, frustrate and intimidate Kenyans by restricting their right to movement, association and the use of private property.
They also make it difficult for ordinary Kenyans to make a living by imposing steep permit fees on informal businesses.
These laws were inherited from the colonial British government and used to be within the purview of local government municipalities under the Local Government Act. This act was repealed when municipalities were replaced by counties after the promulgation of the 2010 Constitution.
Currently, these laws are contained in county rules and regulations, criminalizing a good number of activities, including making any kind of noise on the streets, committing acts contrary to public decency, washing, repairing or dismantling any vehicle in non-designated areas (unless in an emergency) and loitering aimlessly at night.
The colonial laws served a central purpose – segregation. Africans and Asians could be prosecuted for doing anything that the white settlers deemed to be a breach of public order, public health or security.
Violating human rights
Many of these archaic laws also restrict citizens’ use of shared or public space. Some of them grant the police powers to arrest offenders without warrant, and to prosecute them under the Penal Code.
Offences like the ones mentioned above are classified as petty crimes that can attract fines and prison terms.
Some have argued that these laws are being abused because they restrict freedom of movement and the right to a fair hearing.
A few of them also hinder the growth of the economy. For example, hawking without a permit is against the law. To get a permit, traders must pay steep fees to various government authorities. This requirement is a deterrent to trade and infringes on the social economic rights of citizens.
Another example is the law that makes it a crime to loiter at night. This law was initially put on the books to deter people from soliciting for sexual favours, or visiting unlicensed establishments. It has however become a means for state agents to harass anyone walking on the streets at night.
Genesis of archaic laws
The laws can be traced back to legal ordinances that were passed by the colonial government between 1923 and 1934.
The 1925 Vagrancy (Amendment) Ordinance restricted movement of Africans after 6pm, especially if they did not have a registered address.
Post-independence, the ordinance became the Vagrancy Act, which was repealed in 1997. The Vagrancy Act inspired the Public Order Act, which restricts movement of Africans during the day, but only in the special circumstances that are outlined in the Public Security (Control of Movement) Regulations.
This legislation is similar to the Sundown Town rules under the Jim Crow discrimination law in the United States. A California-posted sign in the 1930s said it all: “Nigger, Don’t Let The Sun Set On YOU In Hawthorne.” — T.S. Bah
The Witchcraft Ordinance of 1925, which formed the basis for the Witchcraft Act, outlawed any practices that were deemed uncivilised by colonial standards. The provisions of the Act are ambiguous and a clear definition of witchcraft is not given. This has made it easy for authorities to prosecute a wide range of cultural practices under the banner of witchcraft.
Rationale behind punitive laws
The idea behind most of the targeted legislation enacted by the colonialists was to separate whites from people of other races, including Asians. For example, in 1929 settlers in the white suburbs of Muthaiga in Nairobi raised an objection when the Governor announced plans to merge their suburban township with greater Nairobi.
That would have meant that they would have had to mingle with locals from Eastleigh and other native townships, which were mostly black. As a caveat to joining the greater Nairobi Township, the Muthaiga Township committee developed standard rules and regulations to govern small townships.
These rules and regulations were applied to other administrative townships such as Mombasa and Eldoret.
White townships would only join larger municipalities if the Muthaiga rules applied across the board.
The Muthaiga rules allowed white townships to control and police public space, which was a clever way to restrict the presence and movement of Asians and Africans in the suburbs.
Variations of these rules remain on the books to date. The current Nairobi county rules and regulations require residents to pay different rates to the county administration depending on their location.
In addition, the county rules demand that dog owners must be licensed, a requirement that limits the number of city dwellers who can own dogs. This rule can be read as discriminatory because the vast majority of lower-income earners now find themselves unable to keep a dog in the city. Indeed, discrimination was the basis of the colonial legal framework.
Can oppressive laws be legal?
Strictly speaking, these discriminatory rules and regulations were unlawful because they were not grounded in statutory or common law. Indeed, they were quasi-criminal and would have been unacceptable in Great Britain.
Ironically, because such rules and regulations didn’t exist in Great Britain, criminal charges could not be brought against white settlers for enforcing them.
To curtail freedom of movement and enjoyment of public space by non-whites the settlers created categories of persons known as “vagrants”, “vagabonds”, “barbarians”, “savages” and “Asians”.
These were the persons targeted by the loitering, noisemaking, defilement of public space, defacing of property, and anti-hawking laws. The penalty for these offences was imprisonment.
Anyone found loitering, anyone who was homeless or found in the wrong abode, making noise on the wrong streets, sleeping in public or hawking superstitious material or paraphernalia would be detained after trial.
Police had the powers to arrest and detain offenders in a concentration camp, detention or rehabilitation center, or prison without a warrant.
This is the same legal framework that was inherited by the independence government and the very same one that has been passed down to the county governments.
The Public Order Act allows police powers to arrest without warrant anyone found in a public gathering, meeting or procession which is likely to breach the peace or cause public disorder. This is the current position under sections 5 and 8 of the Act.
This law, which was used by the colonial government to deter or disband uprisings or rebellions, has been regularly abused in independent Kenya.
At the end of the day Kenyans must ask themselves why successive governments have allowed the oppression of citizens to continue by allowing colonial laws to remain on the books.
This article creates the webAfriqa homage and tribute to the memory of Professor David W. Arnott (1915-2004), foremost linguist, researcher, teacher and publisher on Pular/Fulfulde, the language of the Fulbe/Halpular of West and Central Africa. It is reproduces the obituary written in 2004 par Philip J. Jaggar. David Arnott belonged in the category of colonial administrators who managed to balance their official duties with in-depth social and cultural investigation of the societies their countries ruled. I publish quite a log of them throughout the webAfriqa Portal: Vieillard, Dieterlen, Delafosse, Person, Francis-Lacroix, Germain, etc.
The plan is to contributed to disseminate as much as possible the intellectual legacy of Arnott’s. Therefore, the links below are just part of the initial batch :
D. W. Arnott was a distinguished scholar and teacher of West African languages, principally Fulani (also known as Fula, Fulfulde and Pulaar) and Tiv, David Whitehorn Arnott, Africanist: born London 23 June 1915; Lecturer, then Reader, Africa Department, School of Oriental and African Studies 1951-66, Professor of West African Languages 1966-77 (Emeritus); married 1942 Kathleen Coulson (two daughters); died Bedale, North Yorkshire 10 March 2004.
He was one of the last members of a generation of internationally renowned British Africanists/linguists whose early and formative experience of Africa, with its immense and complex variety of peoples and languages, derived from the late colonial era.
Born in London in 1915, the elder son of a Scottish father, Robert, and mother, Nora, David Whitehorn Arnott was educated at Sheringham House School and St Paul’s School in London, before going on to Pembroke College, Cambridge, where he read Classics and won a “half-blue” for water polo. He received his PhD from London University in 1961, writing his dissertation on “The Tense System in Gombe Fula”.
Following graduation in 1939 Arnott joined the Colonial Administrative Service as a district officer in northern Nigeria, where he was posted to Bauchi, Benue and Zaria Provinces, often touring rural areas on a horse or by push bike. His (classical) language background helped him to learn some of the major languages in the area — Fulani, Tiv, and Hausa — and the first two in particular were to become his languages of published scientific investigation.
It was on board ship in a wartime convoy to Cape Town that Arnott met his wife-to-be, Kathleen Coulson, who was at the time a Methodist missionary in Ibadan, Nigeria. They married in Ibadan in 1942, and Kathleen became his constant companion on most of his subsequent postings in Benue and Zaria provinces, together with their two small daughters, Margaret and Rosemary.
From 1951 to 1977, David Arnott was a member of the Africa Department at the School of Oriental and African Studies (Soas), London University, as Lecturer, then Reader, and was appointed Professor of West African Languages in 1966. He spent 1955-56 on research leave in West Africa, conducting a detailed linguistic survey of the many diverse dialects of Fulani, travelling from Nigeria across the southern Saharan edges of Niger, Dahomey (now Benin), Upper Volta, French Sudan (Burkina Faso and Mali), and eventually to Senegal, Gambia, and Guinea. Many of his research notes from this period are deposited in the Soas library (along with other notes, documents and teaching materials relating mainly to Tiv and Hausa poetry and songs).
He was Visiting Professor at University College, Ibadan (1961) and the University of California, Los Angeles (1963), and attended various African language and Unesco congresses in Africa, Europe, and the United States. Between 1970 and 1972 he made a number of visits to Kano, Nigeria, to teach at Abdullahi Bayero College (now Bayero University, Kano), where he also supervised (as Acting Director) the setting up of the Centre for the Study of Nigerian Languages, and I remember a mutual colleague once expressing genuine astonishment that “David never seemed to have made any real enemies”. This was a measure of his integrity, patience and even-handed professionalism, and the high regard in which he was held.
Arnott established his international reputation with his research on Fula(ni), a widely used language of the massive Niger-Congo family which is spoken (as a first language) by an estimated eight million people scattered throughout much of West and Central Africa, from Mauritania and Senegal to Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon, Central African Republic and Chad (as well as the Sudan), many of them nomadic cattle herders.
Between 1956 and 1998 he produced almost 30 (mainly linguistic) publications on Fulani and in 1970 published his magnum opus, The Nominal and Verbal Systems of Fula (an expansion of his PhD dissertation), supplementing earlier works by his predecessors, the leading British and German scholars F.W. Taylor and August Klingenheben. In this major study of the Gombe (north-east Nigeria) dialect, he described, in clear and succinct terms, the complex system of 20 or more so-called “noun classes” (a classificatory system widespread throughout the Niger-Congo family which marks singular/plural pairs, often distinguishing humans, animals, plants, mass nouns and liquids). The book also advanced our understanding of the (verbal) tense- aspect and conjugational system of Fulani. His published research encompassed, too, Fulani literature and music.
In addition to Fulani, Arnott also worked on Tiv, another Niger-Congo language mainly spoken in east/central Nigeria, and from the late 1950s onwards he wrote more than 10 articles, including several innovative treatments of Tiv tone and verbal conjugations, in addition to a paper comparing the noun-class systems of Fulani and Tiv (“Some Reflections on the Content of Individual Classes in Fula and Tiv”, La Classification Nominale dans les Langues Négro-Africaines, 1967). Some of his carefully transcribed Tiv data and insightful analyses were subsequently used by theoretical linguists following the generative (“autosegmental”) approach to sound systems. (His colleague at Soas the renowned Africanist R.C. Abraham had already published grammars and a dictionary of Tiv in the 1930s and 1940s.)
In addition to Fulani and Tiv, Arnott taught undergraduate Hausa-language classes at Soas for many years, together with F.W. (“Freddie”) Parsons, the pre-eminent Hausa scholar of his era, and Jack Carnochan and Courtenay Gidley. He also pioneered the academic study of Hausa poetry at Soas, publishing several articles on the subject, and encouraged the establishment of an academic pathway in African oral literature.
The early 1960s were a time when the available language-teaching materials were relatively sparse (we had basically to make do with cyclostyled handouts), but he overcame these resource problems by organising class lessons with great care and attention, displaying a welcome ability to synthesise and explain language facts and patterns in a simple and coherent manner. He supervised a number of PhD dissertations on West African languages (and literature), including the first linguistic study of the Hausa language written by a native Hausa speaker, M.K.M. Galadanci (1969). He was genuinely liked and admired by his students.
David Arnott was a quiet man of deep faith who was devoted to his family. Following his retirement he and Kathleen moved to Moffat in Dumfriesshire (his father had been born in the county). In 1992 they moved again, to Bedale in North Yorkshire (where he joined the local church and golf club), in order to be nearer to their two daughters, and grandchildren.
Richard Spencer is among the tens of millions of Americans who are excited about Donald Trump’s coming presidency. The 38-year-old white nationalist heads a small organization, called the National Policy Institute, and believes people of different skin color are inherently different, hate each other and should live separately.
Reveal’s host Al Letson talked to Spencer the day after the election. You can hear the whole conversation above and read the transcript below. While the months of campaigning were often devoid of real exchanges of ideas, this is the opposite: a frank and deep conversation, revealing starkly different views of the same world.
For instance, Spencer tells Al his long-term dream is an “ethnostate” – a territory set aside for people of European descent.
“So that we would always have a safe space,” Spencer says. “We would always have a homeland for us. Very similar to … how Jews conceive of Israel.”
Living all mixed together, he suggests, has not worked out that well.
Spencer also says he believes that Trump opens the door for white identity politics to become an overt and welcome part of mainstream conversation in America for the first time.
Al, who is African American, asks how Spencer is different from members of the Ku Klux Klan or other racists who “hung people up from trees.”
His answer is worth hearing.
Spencer is well-educated and well-spoken, from a mainstream conservative family. Reveal profiles him in our upcoming episode and podcast, in partnership with Mother Jones magazine.
Al Letson: So Richard, it’s the day after Donald Trump won the election. I think so many people were surprised. Were you surprised by it?
Richard Spencer: I was surprised. And I, I didn’t believe it. And I’m not sure I believe it even right now. It’s all a little surreal. I mean I thought that he was, I thought he had a much better chance than people were giving him credit for. I thought it was a much better chance than say the 5 percent chance that the Huffington Post or The New York Times gave him. Or even like the 25 percent chance that Nate Silver was giving him. I thought, I thought he was going to bring in new voters. And I also thought that there were a lot of shy Trump voters out there. But even I couldn’t believe it when it happened. I was with a friend. We were actually at the Trump Hotel on election night and that was a lot of fun and we were just walking around town. We were both kind of like pinch us. I’m not sure it’s real. So it’s it’s been quite a day.
Al Letson: So now your candidate has won. What do you see the future of America being? Because, you know, I feel like Trump winning means that kind of all bets are off. Like everything that people may have thought was going to happen the day after and from here on after, can be shifted at this one moment in time. So I’m curious, like for you, what does the future look like? Or what do you hope the future looks like?
Richard Spencer: Yeah I think you’re absolutely right. I don’t think this was just an unusual election with an unusual candidate. I think this really was a paradigmatic shift. The new paradigm that Donald Trump brought into the world was identity politics and in particular white identity politics. And this, this question which he asked directly: “Are we a nation or are we not?”
And defining his political message not on conservatism. Because, I mean, Trump is not a conservative in the way that self-described ideological conservatives understand that term. He does not – his starting point is not freedom and liberty, his starting point is not tax cuts. His starting point is not an aggressive democracy promotion foreign policy in the Middle East. His starting point is nationalism. Are we a nation? Are we a people or are we not? And again, this is something that his critics said oh this won’t play, this is too toxic, it’s too awful.
Al Letson: To to you when he says that.
Richard Spencer: And this will never work. But it worked.
Al Letson: To you and he says are we a nation or not, does nation mean specifically white people? Because when I hear are we a nation or not. I hear him say all Americans. That’s that’s what I’m listening for. But but does that is that coded language and it says something different to you?
Richard Spencer: Well obviously there are people of other races who are United States citizens. They’re, they’re here. But what really defines the American nation. Is the American nation just defined as a kind of economic platform for the world? Is the American nation just purely defined by the constitution and some legalisms? No. The American nation is defined by the fact that it is derived from Europe. That European people settled this continent, that European people built the political structures, that European people influenced its architecture, its economy, its art, its way of life and society and so on. So America, I agree of course there are many different people here. But which people truly define what America is? Well obviously that could change.
Al Letson: Let me, let me let let me respond to that let me respond to it though. Because I would say that every culture that came to America helped shape America as it is now. It was all the people that were here that created what America is.
Richard Spencer: Well, that’s certainly true to a certain extent. But I would say that white Americans, European-Americans, in particular Anglo-Saxon Americans, Anglo-Saxon Protestants were this essential historic people. That they defined it in a way that no other people did. So, of course African-Americans have influenced American culture and American identity. Of course Asians have and so on. But it really was Anglo-Saxons who truly defined it. Who made America what it is. Who were indispensable. There are other people, you know, other races and all sorts of other different countries. But there has to be that founding people, that indispensable people that really makes the country what it is.
Al Letson: I disagree with you completely but I’m going to go past that because I want to get back more to your idea about what the future’s going to be. Because if you see America as a place that was predominately created by white people, and for white people, which – I’m not sure if I disagree with the for white people – but I would definitely say if you see that is what America has been, is that where you see it going?
Richard Spencer: To be honest. That’s that’s not where I have seen it going. Over the course of my lifetime. I’ve experienced something that is quite the opposite of this notion of an America of and for white people. I have experienced a great transformation of the American nation and American culture and society. I’ve certainly experienced through immigration a move towards multiculturalism and multiracialism. But there is, you could say, a moral component to it as well. Where we live in a world of a white guilt complex. Where if a non-white actor is hired for this new movie role or more non-white applicants apply to this college or there’s a new non-white CEO of this major corporation, that’s thought of as inherently a good thing morally speaking. We need more of that. We need less white people in positions of power. We need more non-white people in positions of power. So this has been my experience I’m 38 years old. I was born in 1978. This has been my experience of America. It has not been – the arrow has not been pointing towards a country of and for white people.
Al Letson: I guess the point that I would make there is that like, if you look at the numbers, a majority of the power in this country is controlled by white people.
Richard Spencer: Yes.
Al Letson: If you look at Hollywood just, if you just look at Hollywood right now, like majority of the films that are being made star white people. If you look in colleges and look at the admission rates like you see majority of that is white people. And I think that what you’re talking about is that, you know, the world or the country is trying to find a balance where everybody gets a seat at the table. Where it’s not just so white people get all of this stuff and everybody else gets left into the corner. You know, I hear this argument a lot where I hear people talk about things like there’s BET Black Entertainment Channel and people wonder like why isn’t there a White Entertainment Channel. But every time I cut on the TV and look at just any TV station, majority of what I see is white. So therefore like there already is a White Entertainment Channel. We don’t need a White Caucus in Congress because most of Congress is white.
Richard Spencer: I think there is a certain degree of truth to what you’re saying. If we were living in, say, 1965 but we’re not living in that world anymore. Yes, white people are generally better off than many other people. But again, the question really is, which way is the arrow pointing? All of these institutions are not acting on behalf of white people. They are acting on behalf of non-white people. And you can talk about this being fair, or what have you. But I will be brutally honest with you. Fairness has never been really a great value in my mind. I like greatness and winning and dominance and beauty. Those are values. Not really fairness.
Al Letson: So Donald Trump is your perfect candidate.
Richard Spencer: Yes. Look, again, I don’t think Donald Trump is me. I don’t think Donald Trump is alt-right. I don’t think Donald Trump is an identitarian as I would use that term. I think Donald Trump is a kind of first step towards this. He’s the first time that we’ve seen a genuinely if, you could say incomplete, politician who’s fighting for European identity politics in North America. This is the first time we’ve seen it.
Al Letson: How do you maintain it though? Because the numbers are going against you. Pretty soon white people are going to be the minority in America like in the next, what 40 years?
Richard Spencer: Yes. By 2042 white, if nothing else changes, white people will become a minority. Also the majority of births right now are actually to non-white people. So there is a dramatic transformation taking place. Now, what is going to happen in that? Are we going to all, in 2042 are we going to all decide oh well you know race doesn’t mean anything anymore. Identity is meaningless. We’re just all atoms here in the United States and we all go shopping in the same store. We just have different skin colors. No. I don’t think that’s what’s going to happen. I think whites are going to be, they’re going to have a amplification of their consciousness of being white. That this whole process we’re experiencing is not going to bring about racelessness. It’s going to bring about a new consciousness amongst white people that actually wasn’t there before.
Al Letson: So, what happens with that consciousness?
Richard Spencer: Well it’s not necessarily, look, it might not be about maintaining an all white society. I don’t think I can snap my fingers and we could go back to 1965 before the major immigration act under LBJ that really dramatically changed the country. I don’t think that. But I think the only way forward is through identity politics. And the only way forward for my people, for us to survive and thrive, is by having a sense of identity. And I don’t know what the future is going to hold, but we need that.
Al Letson: So earlier when you were talking to our producer and reporter you talked about that you wanted a white ethnostate. Is that the end goal, the white ethnostate? Because I guess like I don’t understand how you get to a white ethnostate if already you’re beginning to lose the numbers.
Richard Spencer: Right. The, the ideal of a white ethnostate, and it is an ideal, is something that I think we should think about in the sense of what could come after America. It’s kind of like a grand goal. It’s very similar to in the 19th century when the left had ideals of communism. It was you know, politics is the art of the possible. But philosophy is kind of the art of the impossible, so to speak. So that they were imagining a new society. And at some point they brought it into being. A similar thing could be said of Jews in the 19th century who were imagining Zionism. There’s a Jewish state in the Middle East. That that was impossible. That did not exist.
Al Letson: Richard, respectfully man, like so are you saying that like America has to end in order for your ethnostate to happen? Because if you are trying to have a white ethnostate, what you’re basically saying is that you have to forcibly remove people. Because I got to tell you like I’m African-American and I’m not leaving.
Richard Spencer: I don’t.. this shouldn’t be taken as a cop-out but the fact is I don’t know. Because I don’t know what history has in store for us. I don’t know how history is going to unfold. What I do know is that for my people to survive we have to have a sense of who we are. We have to have, we have to have identity. And we don’t always have it. We don’t have an ethnic ethnic racial consciousness. Now in terms of an ethnostate, I don’t know how that will be possible. I mean, for leftists in the 19th century, communism seemed just downright impossible. Over and over again. But history presents opportunities and it becomes possible. So, the ethnostate’s not going to happen next week. It’s most likely not going to happen through Donald Trump. What the ethnostate is, is an ideal. It’s a thing, it’s a way of thinking about we want a new type of society that would actually be a homeland for all white people. All European people. So that would include Slavs, that would include Germans, that would include Latins, it who would include people of all ethnicities that we would always have a safe space. We would always have a homeland for us. Very similar to, very similar to how Jews conceive of Israel.
Al Letson: Sure. Are you going to do that in Europe?
Richard Spencer: Again, I’m not trying to, this is not a cop-out. I don’t know. All I’m saying is that you have to dream before you can build it. And we have to have this idea in our mind. I don’t know where it will happen because I don’t know how history is going to unfold. All of this stuff might very well not happen in my lifetime. But the thing is, I know that in my lifetime I’m going to have opportunities to fight for the survival of my people and my civilization.
Al Letson: I’ve done some some reading on you. Just a little bit of research and watched a couple of videos. And you’re a handsome guy man, and you’re well put together. You’re really smart. And I’m I’m actually enjoying, like having this conversation with you. But, what’s the difference between you and the racists that like, you know, hung people up from trees? What’s the difference between you and the Klansmen that burned crosses on peoples lawns? What’s the difference between you and you know, the people who don’t look at me, an African-American man, as a full human being? Like what’s the difference. Because you know you have this great sheen about you. Like and I don’t necessarily agree with your views but this is America and I totally support you being able to have those views. But you know, I mean to me it just sounds like the same old thing that I’ve heard before in a different packaging.
Richard Spencer: Well, I don’t think it is the same old thing we’ve heard before. I think you just said that it’s not. That you’re actually intrigued by it. I don’t, you know, look I’m not going to comment about you know some hypothetical Klansman or or whomever.
Al Letson: There’s no such thing as a hypothetical Klansman because the people that I’m talking about exist. They have gone out, they have burned crosses on people’s lawns. They have lynched people. They’ve done horrible horrible things. They are the first American terrorists. So it’s not hypothetical. I’m not comparing you to this thing that I’m just dreaming up. I’m comparing you to history. And I’m not intrigued by your ideas. I’m saying to you that like your ideas sound just like them, except you wear a nice suit and you can speak to me directly. And I respect that about you. I respect that you and I can have this conversation, that you’re not wearing a hood, but it’s the same thing. And that’s so that’s what I’m asking. Like what is the difference?
Richard Spencer: I’m sure there is some commonality between these movements of the past and what I’m talking about. But you really have to judge me on my own terms. Like I am not those people and I don’t fully know, I don’t know in the specifics of what you’re referring to. Like I am who I am. And you, if you’re going to treat me with good faith, you have to listen to what I’m saying and listen to my ideas. I think someone who would go down the path of becoming a Klansman or something in 2016, I think that is, those people are very different than I am. It’s, it’s a it’s a non-starter. I think we need an idea. We need a movement that really resonates with where we are right now.
Al Letson: Richard. How are you different from them? Because you are talking about a white ethnostate. You’re saying that white people don’t have space in this country. I heard the interview with our producers. And one of the things that you said is that you were going to be able to talk to people of color about going along with your white ethnostate. And so – you’ve got a person of color right now. Talk to me about your white ethnostate.
Richard Spencer: Let’s not talk about the ethnostate. Let’s talk about identity. Who are you? If I say that, don’t think about it just answer. Who are you?
Al Letson: Sure. Sure. I’m an African-American male that has four kids. One of those kids is a white kid. I adopted him. He has no black blood in his body at all. He is the apple of my eye. He’s my 16-year-old boy and I love him to death. I have a child that’s biracial and I have two black kids. So. So yeah. I’m a black man who has love in his heart for everybody on this planet, including you. So that’s who I am. Who are you?
Richard Spencer: I’m Richard Spencer. I’m a European person. I, I’m part of this great story of Europe and our history. I was born in Massachusetts, I grew up in Texas. I like mountain biking. You know, what I’m getting at is that, when I ask you that, even, even despite the fact that you have, you know, I guess a white wife perhaps or a white child. You still answered that I’m an African-American male. And that has meaning for you. And I respect that. If you ask your average white person in America, “Who are you?” they are going to probably never get around to talking about their European identity or their heritage. They’re afraid of it. They know it. Everyone’s kind of racially unconscious. They know it in their bones but they’re not conscious. They don’t want to really talk about it and explore it and think about how that inflects their life. So that’s what I want to bring. I respect your identity. I respect the fact that you think about it seriously, that you take it seriously. I want white people to take it seriously. In terms of what I was talking about of like we’re going to do this together. I think that I want to see an identitarian future. I want to see people, different peoples, different civilizations having a sense of themselves and finding out ways to live together.
Al Letson: But a white ethnostate is not people living together. What you’re saying to me now is different from what you said before because what you said before would basically mean that I would live in one state and my son, my white son, would have to live in another state. You know, for me when we talk about like my blackness and me saying that I’m an African-American man. It’s true. I am proud of my blackness but I’m not advocating for ethnostate. So I want to respect you as a white man. I see that. I understand that history. I want you to respect me as a black man and see that and understand that history and then figure how we move forward together. That’s the difference between me and you is that I want to move forward together. And you feel like those fissures that are between us are too big to pass over.
Richard Spencer: I do respect your identity and I respect you as a black man. But the question I would have to ask is: Do you really think that we’re all better together? Do you think that modern America, contemporary America there’s greater levels of trust and togetherness than we had decades ago, or that other, you know, more ethnically homogenous nations have? I don’t think so. And I have to be honest. I think we actually kind of hate each other. And that is a very tragic thing. And that’s a very sad thing. And we don’t trust each other. And we can talk about how one day we’re going to all be holding hands, or we can actually be realistic about this and we can actually look at the power of human nature and the power of race.
Al Letson: If that is your worldview then I’m sorry. Because, like I said, like I I have white family members that I love. So no, I don’t think that we hate each other. I think that there is not a nation in this world that doesn’t have problems. But I would say that like when you just said like if we could go back x amount of years, would we be better? No, because I wouldn’t be talking to you right now. We wouldn’t, I wouldn’t be in the position that I’m in right now. And I’m, I’m sorry but like the mixing pot is already created. You’re talking about going into a stew that’s already been made. Spilling it out and picking out each individual ingredient and thinking that you’re going to have a whole thing that works again. And you won’t.
Richard Spencer: I think you’re using your own personal experience, and I think you’re being genuine in talking about it, but you’re projecting that onto everyone else’s experience. Look what just happened. I mean is this an example of how class trumps race? Is this an example of us getting together? No it wasn’t. Look, I can get along with non-white people. I do. There are certainly exceptions that prove the rule but the rule is the most important thing. And that is that when you have two really dramatically different cultures, two dramatically different races all being forced together it’s a recipe for turmoil. And distrust and hatred. And I don’t know of an historical example that contradicts that.
Al Letson: Listen, you and I could go back and forth nonstop. And if you ever want to have a conversation, like just to hear the other side or anything you feel free to call me up because I will talk to you all day. Because I think honestly, the only way forward is through. And the way through is that like people like you and I like actually have conversations. As much as I think that you’re dead wrong and as much as you think that I’m dead wrong we’re actually, the fact that we’re having the conversation is probably the best benefit that could come out of both sides of it. So, Richard, I appreciate your time. Thanks for talking to us. And yeah like I said man, seriously if you want to have another conversation, I don’t know how many black people you get to talk to in your life. But if you’d like to have a conversation at any time feel free to give me a call. And if you’d like to talk to my son I would love to put you on the phone with him to hear his experience of America.
Richard Spencer: Interesting. Let’s do it.
Al Letson: We’ll let you know if that conversation happens. Richard Spencer is a white nationalist. He heads the small think tank the National Policy Institute. Want to know how Spencer came to hold these views, after growing up in mainstream Republican Texas? Catch his backstory on our next regular podcast. You’ll get that along with other post-election stories to provide reflection well beyond the vote count.
Ayant visionné les vidéos de la journée de Réflexion sur le Pastoralisme, j’examine ici ce ce qui, à mon avis, est le talon d’Achille d’efforts sincères de résistance, de promotion et de dynamisation des sociétés africaines — fulɓe/halpular et autres — face à une globalisation encore plus déstabilisatrice que le colonialisme des 19è et 20è siècles.
Si c’était à refaire, je propose les suggestions suivantes aux organisateurs de Tawaangal Pastoralisme et autres groupes similaires dans la préparation et la tenue de rencontres pour échanges de vues et d’expériences.
Exiger des présentations rédigées voir soumises et distribuées à l’avance
Placer un temps-limite sur ces présentations, par ex. 15 min.
Publier le texte de chaque conférencier sur le site web des organisateurs/sponsors
Limiter le temps d’intervention des participants, par ex. 5 min.
Eviter l’écueil des participants qui monopolisent le microphone et s’improvisent conférenciers
Enregistrement et diffusion des travaux
Au moins deux micros pour les conférenciers
Un micro sur pied pour l’audience
Deux caméras pour la séance, une pour le presidium, une pour l’audience
Pour l’essentiel, la journée de Versailles a présenté les caractéristiques typiques du volontariat engagé dans la “défense et illustration” des cultures et de la civilisation Fulɓe/Halpular, à commencer par l’élevage et l’agriculture. Il s’agit d’un véritable Talon d’Achille, d’une faiblesse institutionnelle déplorable, qui sont encore plus débilitants lorsqu’on considère la recherche, l’éducation et la diffusion du riche héritage des peuples pasteurs.
Tabital Pulaaku International
Des intervenants prirent la parole au nom de Tabital Pulaaku International (section Ile-de-France, Allemagne, etc.). Les racines du déséquilibre dénoncé plus sont enfouies dans la création de cette ONG en 2001, à Bamako.
Fondée en présence d’intellectuels, de figures publiques (Alpha Oumar Konaré, Amadou Toumani Touré, Muhammadu Buhari, etc.), de politiciens, d’hommes d’affaires, d’artistes, etc. Avançant des justifications politiciennes, la délégation guinénne partit de Conakry sans feu Alfâ Ibrâhîm Sow.
En vérité, TPI ne s’est jamais doté des moyens de remplir sa mission assignée. Organisation non-gouvernementale, elle est tendue entre la diplomatie envers les autorités et un programme culturel populiste. A l’affiche des ses activités figurent des spectacles fréquents et hauts en couleurs, ansi que des conférences épisodiques. Entre ces manifestations médiatisées, il ne passe pratiquement rien.
Hormi les pleins feux sur la personnalité de son président, TPI est généralement muette sur son financement, ses opérations, la composition de son personnel dirigeant,.…
Il est plus que temps de créer un centre ou un institut de recherche sur l’histoire, l’économie et la culture des nombreuses et diverses communautés qui composent la “planète” ou “l’archipel” fulɓe. Un tel organe est nécessaire et indispensable pour jeter les bases d’une action coordonnée, méthodique et efficiente. Son mode de fonctionnement se démarquerait complètement de la quête de publicité pour travailler, au quotidien et en toute humilité, aux fins de rassembler et d’améliorer les ressources, la réflexion, la pensée et l’action des Fulɓe dans leur quête d’identité, de stabilité et de prospéritee. Ce centre ou institut fournirait, par exemple, l’appui et l’expertise — intellectuels, scientifiques, humains et logistiques — aux organisations du Pulaaku, qu’elles soient affiliés ou non à TPI.
Objectif commun, approches divergentes
Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas, un objectif commun unit TPI, les ONG affiliées ou non, et les nombreuses initiatives — collectives et individuelles — qui existent sur le terrain et/ou sur le Web. Toutes visent la préservation, la conservation et la dynamisation de la civilisation Fulɓe/Halpular. Toutefois, —et ce n’est pas surprenant — les conceptions, approches et méthodes divergent pour mener cette lutte existentielle.
Pour ma part, vice président en 2003-2004 du Comité préparatoire — présidé par Elhadj Alpha Amadou Kourou Diallo — j’ai dirigé concrètement à Conakry les démarches fructueuses qui aboutirent à la reconnaissance officielle de Tabital Pulaaku-Guinée. Mais une fois l’arrêté ministériel acquis, les désaccords émergèrent quant à l’orientation de la section nouvellement née. Deux tendances s’affrontèrent. Un camp mettait l’accent sur le commerce, la déférence obséquieuse à l’autorité d’Etat, l’exercice du leadership personnel, tout cela saupoudré d’un calendrier épisodique de spectacles. L’autre groupe défendit la nécessité d’investir dans la recherche, la publication et l’éducation. Les membres du premier camp l’emportèrent vite. La conséquence personnelle fut tout aussi immédiate ; je quittai Tabital Pulaaku Guinée.
Mes collègues du comité préparatoire étaient feu Elhadj Mamadou Gangué (survivant du “Complot des Enseignants” 1961. Ce grand-maître de la langue fut mon respecté adjoint à la tête de la Commission Pular de l’Académie nationale des Langues, de 1973 à 1979. Il nous a laissé un poème bucolique et de jeunesse intitulé “Lewru ndun no nyenkitaa”), feu Elhadj Mistaoul Barry (premier rédacteur et présentateur du Pular sur les antennes de Radio-Moscou, années 1960-70) et Moodi Mamadou Saidou Mombeya Diallo, sociologue.
Depuis, j’observe et je formule une critique constructive de TPI.
Plus d’une décennie après, ma position et celle des leaders de TPI restent inchangées. Je publie webPulaaku depuis 1997. On y accède aux chef-d’oeuvres et ouvrages fondamentaux sur l’histoire, la culture, la langue, les traditions, us et coutumes de la civilisation Fulɓe/Halpular.
De son côté, TPI maintient ses contacts au sommet et ses activités sporadiques. Mais si elle veut laisser des traces positives, l’ONG devra, tôt ou tard, contribuer à institutionnaliser la recherche de fond, l’éducation systématique et la diffusion large de l’héritage des peuples qu’elle est censée représenter.